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IUK: Fisk - Refugees Not Fleeing Taliban, but Our Bombs and Missiles By Robert Fisk 22/10/2001 9:41 am Mon |
http://argument.independent.co.uk/commentators/story.jsp?story=100895
Robert Fisk: As the refugees crowd the borders, we'll
be blaming someone else 'It is palpably evident that they are not fleeing the Taliban but our bombs and missiles' 23 October 2001 Mullah Mohammed Omar's 10-year-old son is dead. He was,
according to Afghan refugees fleeing Kandahar, taken to one of the
city's broken hospitals by his father, the Taliban leader and "Emir of
the Faithful", but the boy - apparently travelling in Omar's car when
it was attacked by US aircraft - died of his wounds.
No regrets, of course. Back in 1985, when American aircraft bombed
Libya, they also destroyed the life of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi's
six-year-old adopted daughter. No regrets, of course. In 1992,
when an Israeli pilot flying an American-made Apache helicopter
fired an American-made missile into the car of Said Abbas
Moussawi, head of the Hizbollah guerrilla army in Lebanon, the
Israeli pilot also killed Moussawi's 10-year-old. No regrets, of
course. Whether these children deserved their deaths, be sure that their
fathers - in our eyes - were to blame. Live by the sword, die by the
sword - and that goes for the kids too. Back in 1991, The
Independent revealed that American Gulf War military targets
included "secure" bunkers in which members of Saddam Hussein's
family - or the families of his henchmen - were believed to be
hiding. That's how the Americans managed to slaughter well over
300 people in an air raid shelter at Amariya in Baghdad. No Saddam
kids, just civilians. Too bad. I wonder - now that President George
Bush has given permission to the CIA to murder Osama bin Laden -
if the same policy applies today? And so the casualties begin to mount. From Kandahar come ever
more frightful stories of civilians buried under ruins, of children torn
to pieces by American bombs. The Taliban - and here the
Americans must breathe a collective sigh of relief - refuse to allow
Western journalists to enter the country to verify these reports. So
when a few television crews were able to find 18 fresh graves in the
devastated village of Khorum outside Jalalabad just over a week
ago, the US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld could ridicule the
deaths as "ridiculous". But not, I suspect, for much longer.
For if each of our wars for infinite justice and eternal freedom have a
familiar trade mark - the military claptrap about air superiority,
suppression of "command and control centres", radar capabilities -
each has an awkward, highly exclusive little twist to it. In 1999, Nato
claimed it was waging war to put Kosovo Albanian refugees back in
their homes - even though most of the refugees were still in their
homes when the war began. Our bombing of Serbia led directly to
their dispossession. We bear a heavy burden of responsibility for
their suffering - since the Serbs had told us what they would do if
Nato opened hostilities - although the ultimate blame for their "ethnic
cleansing'' clearly belonged to Slobodan Milosevic.
But Nato's escape clause won't work this time round. For as the
Afghan refugees turn up in their thousands at the border, it is
palpably evident that they are fleeing not the Taliban but our bombs
and missiles. The Taliban is not ethnically cleansing its own Pashtun
population. The refugees speak vividly of their fear and terror as our
bombs fall on their cities. These people are terrified of our "war on
terror'', victims as innocent as those who were slaughtered in the
World Trade Centre on 11 September. So where do we stop?
It's an important question because, once the winter storms breeze
down the mountain gorges of Afghanistan, a tragedy is likely to
commence, one which no spin doctor or propaganda expert will be
able to divert. We'll say that the thousands about to die or who are
dying of starvation and cold are victims of the Taliban's
intransigence or the Taliban's support for "terrorism" or the Taliban's
propensity to steal humanitarian supplies.
I have to admit - having been weaned on Israel's promiscuous use
of the word "terror" every time a Palestinian throws a stone at his
occupiers - that I find the very word "terrorism" increasingly
mendacious as well as racist. Of course - despite the slavish use of
the phrase "war on terrorism" on the BBC and CNN - it is nothing of
the kind. We are not planning to attack Tamil Tiger suicide bombers
or Eta killers or Real IRA murderers or Kurdish KDP guerrillas.
Indeed, the US has spent a lot of time supporting terrorists in Latin
America - the Contras spring to mind - not to mention the rabble we
are now bombing in Afghanistan. This is, as I've said before, a war
on America's enemies. Increasingly, as the date of 11 September
acquires iconic status, we are retaliating for the crimes against
humanity in New York and Washington. But we're not setting up any
tribunals to try those responsible.
The figure of 6,000 remains as awesome as it did in the days that
followed. But what happens when the deaths for which we are
responsible begin to approach the same figure? Refugees have
been telling me on the Pakistan border that the death toll from our
bombings in Afghanistan is in the dozens, perhaps the hundreds.
Once the UN agencies give us details of the starving and the
destitute who are dying in their flight from our bombs, it won't take
long to reach 6,000. Will that be enough? Will 12,000 dead Afghans
appease us, albeit that they have nothing to do with the Taliban or
Osama bin Laden? Or 24,000? If we think we know what our aims
are in this fraudulent "war against terror", have we any idea of
proportion? Sure, we'll blame the Taliban for future tragedies. Just as we've
been blaming them for drug exports from Afghanistan. Tony Blair was
at the forefront of the Taliban-drug linkage. And all we have to do to
believe this is to forget the UN Drug Control Programme's
announcement last week that opium production in Afghanistan has
fallen by 94 per cent, chiefly due to Mullah Omar's prohibition in
Taliban-controlled areas. Most of Afghanistan's current opium
production comes - you've guessed it - from our friends in the
Northern Alliance. This particular war is, as Mr Bush said, going to be "unlike any
other" - but not in quite the way he thinks. It's not going to lead to
justice. Or freedom. It's likely to culminate in deaths that will diminish
in magnitude even the crime against humanity on 11 September. Do
we have any plans for this? Can we turn the falsity of a "war against
terror" into a war against famine and starvation and death, even at
the cost of postponing our day of reckoning with Osama bin Laden?
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